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Tina'uh - a Murut Wedding Celebration

If you are invited to a Murut Wedding, you should by no means decline. Especially if it is not just a simple wedding ‘Malay Style’, but a ‘tina’uh', or ‘bului’. Both, the tina’uh and the bului are highly traditional affairs, and they are best described as the last handing over of the outstanding dowry that was initially agreed on for the bride. The bului ceremony is even grander than the tina’uh, but this text will content itself to explanations pertaining to the tina’uh of the Tataluan Murut.

A tina’uh can be held two years after a young man has taken a Murut wife, in a ceremony called ‘limpoho’. This was once the official wedding ritual and procedure of the Sepulut and Pensiangan Murut. Often, the young husband was not able to pay his dept so quickly. The ‘pulut’ (dowry) for a Murut girl can amount to up to 40,000 Ringgit in heirloom goods and cash, and thus frequently the tina’uh is only held twenty years after the limpoho. I was told that, sometimes, the man has taken another one or two wives by then …

The tina’uh is in danger of disappearing, as are so many customs. It is becoming rarer, nowadays, that the parents in law of a young man require the limpoho, which will then automatically call for the tina’uh or bului later. One of the reasons for the disappearance of this custom is that it is very its labour intensive. Murut parties are beyond description, to say the least, and preparations for a fully-grown tina’uh can involve an entire village for more than a month. In our modern times, they are not very practical affairs any more. Our lives are ruled by schedules and duties, to many of which the Murut have now also yielded – remunerated jobs, office work…. Yet, in remote, rural areas, where people still adhere to their traditional life as rice farmers and hunters, limpoho’s are still customary. There, life follows the little disturbed and spiritual age-old rhythm, with its intricate social pattern that once dominated the entire of Borneo. When a tina’uh is going to be held in a village is subject to long discussions amongst the village elders. Many aspects have to be considered, amongst others to make sure that everyone summoned will be able to attend. As a general rule, a season of good rice-harvests is likely to be followed by some tina’uh’s. This was the case in 1998. Though vast parts of the area suffered from an exceptionally long draught, in the heart of Sabah, the harvest was extraordinary.

Preliminaries

It was decided that on July 11, 1998, Makinik should pay his final dowry to Korom, the headman of Labang and father of the ‘bride’: Makinik had been married just over 20 years to Sangkina, the first daughter of Korom’s first wife. The dates for the festivities were settled in a discussion between Korom and all the ‘tuan rumah’ (the heads of the individual households) of his longhouse, since the party would involve everybody of the family.

During the discussion all the tuan rumah determined whom they would invite from their family branch for the festivity, and whom they would invite as ‘sumaang’: helpers during the party. Then, it was decided what the invitees were to bring to the tina’uh: being officially invited to a tina’uh is more of a summons than anything else, and involves considerable costs in the first place, and probably a long journey back to the kampung (village). But there are very good reasons for many Murut living and earning their lives in town to take part in the ceremony, even though it means that it temporarily disrupts their programmes.
Nowadays, the requests can rage from money over gold jewellery to buffaloes, next to the gongs and beads that are compulsory. They are put down in written form and sent together with an elaborate ‘buyuung movatik’, an intricate rattan basket to the invitees. The buyuung is reminiscent of even older traditions, when invitations were not sent in written form. The complex patterns woven into the basket, the quality of the weaving and the rattan chosen were of importance and significance lost in time. Yet, those who receive the basket will still judge the coming event by the designs of the buyuung, and the quality of the rattan used, as well as its weaving textures. The baskets are sent out through a special courier, the ‘angkaunan’, the post-man in the Murut language. Next to the requirements in goods, an invitee also gets to know if he has to ‘buka tapai’, and what the price of it is. Buka tapai can be translated as ‘the opening of the cassava wine’: the preferred party drink of the Murut is a home fermented wine from cassava roots, served in ancient jars. The custom requires that the one who buka tapai defrays the owner of the tapai. Furthermore, above the jars are suspended and for sale strings of beads, fruits, sweets, cigarettes and meat pickle – of course the purchase of it is not quite voluntary. Here again, the invitee is bound by customary regulations, and he has to suspend money (the ‘pamarahan’) for the goods he purchases.

Preparations

Once everybody is invited and able to come, which in a big family clan is not always the case (a new date would have to be agreed on), the tuan rumah will start with the preparations for the party in earnest. One to two months before the event, tapai has to be prepared. Immeasurably old and valuable jars, some dating back to the early Ming Dynasty, will be filled with cooked cassava roots. The yeast added to the cooked tuber will cause its fermentation, and when later water is poured over the mixture in the jar, we get the famous tapai. Some of the jars are so big that it requires up to three ‘karung’ (50kg rice-sacks) of cassava root. The most cherished heirloom jars will be in the main display, but numerous ‘pemahamis’ have to be prepared, jars with tapai that will replace the big ones when they are finished. Then, fish and wild-pig pickle (tamba no papait / assi) has to be prepared, and for this the men must go hunting; the women have to weave baskets, string beads, and heirloom has to be gathered. The whole is a rather frenetic activity in a usually quiet Murut settlement, requiring the help of everyone, young and old. Furthermore, since usually a multitude of guests is expected, houses might have to be enlarged. Should the house be big enough, the kitchens will have to be extended for sure! In the case of Makinik’s tina’uh, Korom’s seven-door longhouse could well accommodate the expected crowd of roughly 400 adults and as many children. Nevertheless, some relatives who arrived early built a temporary house. Also for a tina’uh a ‘sangiang’ has to be erected in front of the longhouse, and another in the gallery where the tapai is served. The sangiang is a peculiar construction serving only one function, if not merely to indicate the intention of holding a tina’uh: to receive the dowry and display it. The wealth and importance of a Murut still depends and is judged on how many jars, especially old ones, and how many gongs, heirloom beads and belts he can provide to pay for his bride. Of course, in olden times heads taken in battle only would add to the importance of the man, and the ‘tengkorak’ were then also displayed on the sangiang. Now, one is more likely to find a brand new TV set on the sangiang than a fresh, blood-dripping skull.

I was invited to Makinik’s a tina’uh in Labang. As a non-Murut, this did not incur further cost on me than the purchase of some two dozens of chicken. Others accompanying me moaned about the expenses they had, and how difficult their life was, and how bad it was to be a Murut anyway. Though showing some signs of pride in their ancient culture, young Murut men like to complain about the price of a Murut girl. Eventually, taking a wife is cheaper nowadays with the introduction of the Malay style wedding, but that seems to be of little comfort to the men. In the end, this new form of marriage also means less parties. There are always two sides to the medal. Yet, the manifold social pattern that ruled and continues to rule the life of many Murut left them with a barely hidden thrill in anticipation of the tina’uh. Ultimately, this is more than just an exceptionally big party, or entertainment. Decided to learn more about the custom I myself ended up with feverish excitement even before I was on my way to Labang.

It was not the first time I was in this far outpost of civilisation. Upon entering the village I saw immediately that the preparations for the tina’uh were in full swing. Some of the houses had been connected together with covered passages, and there was that unmistakable platform in front of the main longhouse, the sangiang, telling everybody that a tina’uh was going to be held. I was warmly welcomed, despite the hectic activities. Men were cutting and sawing, building and nailing. Others were painting and arranging wooden parangs that would later be for the children, now also busily engaged in the preparations, running errands and carrying stuff. Though I have been to Murut weddings and other parties before, and I am somewhat accustomed to the sight of endless rows of jars, a surprise awaited me in the gallery of the longhouse: the seven tuan rumah had placed 29 huge heirloom jars in a splendid arrangement (at that moment I had no idea that there were roughly 200 pemahamis waiting…). They were for both, security and traditional reasons, encased in a special construction under the sangiang, in the middle of the house. Korom himself had provided five tajau, destined to be opened by as many of his invited relatives. Korom would receive the money for the ‘buka tapai’, and in return not only provides the tapai, but also jeruk (meat pickle), more buyuung for the ‘akilimpor’, the sales of the rattan baskets at the end of the party, and the famous ‘kampung rice’.

Seeing such frenetic activities, and being not exactly a help I kept myself quiet in some corner, occasionally taking some photos. As the invited relatives came in, the sangiang in front of the house started bending under the load of jars and gongs. With each landing of a boat, which was made audible over a long distance by the sounding gongs, more people came in. The boats were loaded to a dangerous level, which seemed to concern nobody except me. Dogs jumped lightly onto the bank, then the men climbed out and fastened the boat, babies were handed over, then followed jars and gongs, poultry and personal belongings. The grandmothers and grandfathers were the last to leave the longboats, climbing gingerly, but equally full of joy up the steep banks of Labang. Those who arrived by car – usually in tattered old landrovers that somehow still made it over the badly maintained mud-track to Labang – announced their arrival in like manner with gong-beatings.

The Tina’uh

The arrival of the guests took place over three days. Everybody took temporary residence in the dewan (community hall) of Labang, where the inhabitants of the different households, and the sumaang in Korom’s longhouse served lunch. A minor drinking party in anticipation of the big feast started impromptu on the verandah of the dewan. When the sun set on the third day, the last of the invited arrived, and soon everybody changed into traditional outfit: the ladies donned their elaborately beaded black dresses, and wore ancient carnelian tiaras. The men put on equally colourful shirts and less traditional but more decent trousers, also studded with innumerable beads. We all waited in great excitement when Korom finally proceeded to the opening of the tina’uh. Standing at the bottom of the outdoor sangiang he officially opened the ceremony with an ancient ‘haiang’, a head-hunter’s sword, by slicing a section of bamboo filled with blessed water. Then, in a speech addressing the long departed he told us of the importance of honouring traditions. The father of Sangkina did a similar speech, and also cut a bamboo section containing blessed water. It was only now that everybody was allowed up the sangiang, and under the clamour of countless gongs we could inspect the dowry closer. Makinik and Sangkina were sitting on a dais, receiving the wishes of everybody. It was now that we got a first taste of tapai. For this special occasion the Murut here make ‘linahas’, a sweetish and not too strong wine made from rice, instead of cassava tuber. Then the gong-players went seven times around the berian on the sangiang, before entering the house where by now everybody had taken quarter. Here again, the players went seven times around the sangiang, hidden behind many lengths of cloth. I found myself having suddenly a heavy gong hanging from my shoulders, and when I protested that I did not know how to play it I was simply instructed to beat it. I did my best to hammer more or less in the general rhythm of the frenetic crowd, to frighten away any evil intended spirit. I am sure it did have its desired effect! During the chaos, the ‘antalan’ ensued, the bringing of the berian into the house for assessment by the families.

All of a sudden, the gongs and the clamour stopped. Expectation was high and tense in the air. In the dim light of the kerosene lamps shiny faces and gleaming eyes were fixed upon the sangiang. Finally it was unveiled, and the moment was magic. The overwhelming feelings that very moment were palpable, and I felt myself like a little boy back on Christmas Eve, when we were at last allowed to see the mystically lit Christmas tree.
But no sooner the jars were revealed, the silence was over and everybody talked at once. The display was appreciated and judged, and for the prestige of the house this is a crucial moment. There better be no fault-pas, or mistake in the display, or else the makers would have to pay hefty fines. But it was perfect, and somehow each man found the jar he was supposed to open. The buka tapai fee was paid, and soon men were happily slurping away tapai.

The next few days diffused in a timeless merry making, in a happiness and carelessness that to experience is a privilege. In our hectic world I have the feeling that not even Christmas provides us with a term long enough to indulge in this perfect and innocent ‘laissez vivre’. We were drinking, and eating, sleeping, and drinking again. We were having fun in the water, we paddled up the river, we joked and teased, played and laughed, and time seemed to stop for the very sake of the feast. Even those who worked hardest during the celebration enjoyed themselves, rewarded for their enormous efforts by the tremendous success of the tina’uh. Buffaloes were slaughtered, and the ladies ensued in long discussions over the arrangement of beads in the ‘bobok’, which determined the number of buffaloes to kill. Chicken followed each other in rapid succession into the cooking pot, and the families of the tuan rumah, and their sumaang were busy to provide the drinkers, who followed each other in equal rapid succession.

During eating hours, long rows of foods were displayed from one end to the other of the longhouse, and then distributed to the respective families. During the short sleeping hours, the whole space was taken up by bodies lying criss-cross over the floor, more or less grouped by families. At any time, walking through the longhouse gallery one had to be careful not to step on food or people…

The party lasted five days and four nights. When the participants went on their long journey home, their initial expenses had been rewarded manifold. Gunnies full of the much coveted Murut hill rice went with them to Keningau, or even as far as Kota Kinabalu, together with loads of pickled meat of wild boar and fish, all items that the families would never be able to produce, not to talk of purchase in the cities. And besides being very much appreciated as foods, the pickle and rice may be used in another ceremony! Thus, even in this time of transition, when only too little value is given to old ceremonies and knowledge, this age-old institution of the traditional wedding procedure of the Murut has certain practical aspects and hopefully younger generations who are lucky enough to have attended a tina’uh will be able to document it fully for the benefit of their own children.

A tina'uh is held 25 September, if this text has inspired you click here to find out how you can join...